What If Clinton Wins US Presidential Election 2016
ElectionOracle / US Presidential Election 2016 Sep 22, 2016 - 02:14 PM GMTBy: Dan_Steinbock
	 
	
   According to polls, the race to the White  House is over. Clinton has won, Trump has lost. If that proves the case, US  economic erosion will slow but imperial foreign policy may escalate, which has  critical repercussions in Asia.
According to polls, the race to the White  House is over. Clinton has won, Trump has lost. If that proves the case, US  economic erosion will slow but imperial foreign policy may escalate, which has  critical repercussions in Asia.
  The polls  reflect the new status quo. Despite her high unfavorability ratings, Clinton now  has the support of every second registered voter, whereas Trump, with his high  unfavorability ratings, can rely only on every third. As a result, Clinton’s  likely voters nationwide amount to 45-50 percent, as against Trump’s 35-40  percent.
 
Campaign financing tells the same story. By early August, Clinton had raised $365 million in big money financing, almost a third of it outside money. In contrast, Trump had barely $100 million, only a tenth of it outside money. Four of every five dollars in the Clinton campaign has come from large corporations and Wall Street, big lobbyists and big unions, not ordinary Americans.
How did we get here?
Questionable choices
  By  suppressing the dissent of Bernie Sanders’s center-left opposition in the  Democratic convention, Hillary Clinton consolidated leadership, while  attracting some dissatisfied Republicans and Reagan Democrats who favor hawkish  foreign policy but progressive social policy. But afterwards, Clinton faced  huge political headwinds as FBI Director James Corney testified that she had  shown “reckless” disregard with highly-classified emails, while multiple FBI  investigations (which the Obama administration sought to deter) are underway  into the Clinton Foundation. 
  The rising  public storm paved way to a triumphant Republican convention in which Trump  could have sustained a semblance of unity. Instead, he stumbled on his mouth by  quarreling about a US Muslim soldier killed in action and with the Speaker of  the House Paul Ryan, lost voters in several swing states and polarized division  among Republicans. 
  The  pessimist take is that the Trump campaign is amid a meltdown, while Trump seeks  to save his face and might withdraw. In turn, Republican leaders such as Mitch  McConnell are considering a replacement. According to party rules, it would be  a logistical nightmare, but technically possible. In that case, Trump would  have to remove himself; or the GOP would have to remove Trump. That would pave  the way for Trump’s Vice President Mike Pence, or Paul Ryan. While conservative  Ted Cruz might try, he would not get majority support. There would also be many  dark horses.
  Of course,  die-hards cannot believe that Trump could be fired. Besides, Trump shows no  signs of resignation. Consequently, they expect Trump to stage a “fantastic”  comeback.
  Intriguingly,  the shifts in the polls do not reflect voters´ perceptions about America’s  direction and priorities. Most Americans believe that the top priority in the  2016 election is economy, while two thirds believe that America is heading in  the wrong direction. 
  Here’s the  contradiction in a nutshell: In November, most Americans will knowingly vote  for a president they do not particularly like, don’t really trust and who they  believe will continue to take America in the wrong direction. 
If this  scenario will materialize, what kind of economic and foreign policies will the  Clinton administration opt for? 
More economic erosion
  Clinton  has promised to create 10 million new jobs in America in the next four years. In  reality, that does not require miracles. Thanks to demographics and output  potential, US economy should create some 200,000-250,000 new jobs on a monthly  basis, which means 2.4-3 million annually; that is, 9.6-12 million new jobs in  four years. Ironically, it could be undermined by the kind of assertive foreign  policy that Clinton supports.
  Clinton  has promised to expand programs for poor Americans and to increase  contributions from the prosperous. Her discretionary spending relies on $1.1  trillion for infrastructure, universal pre-school and tuition assistance, paid  family leave and so on. To alleviate America's income polarization, she  advocates 4% surtax on incomes above $5 million, raising rates on medium-term  capital gains and estate tax rate to 45%. It is a centrist plan that will not  overcome US inequity. 
  Today, US  economy faces a massive sovereign debt burden, which amounts to $19.4 trillion  (105% of the GDP). Nevertheless, Washington still lacks a credible, bipartisan,  medium-term debt plan. Clinton believes that rising debt is a national security  risk and her economic program would reduce it in relative terms by 2026. Like  Sanders, she would probably reduce the deficit through tax increases, with  limited cuts to discretionary spending; unlike Sanders, she would not challenge  the Wall Street’s financial aristocracy or reduce military spending.
  In view of  consensus projections, by 2026 US debt will soar by half to $29.3 trillion  (106% of GDP), assuming fairly ambitious real GDP growth rate of 1.7% next  decade. But it does not include downside risks, such as monetary exhaustion, immigration  decline, recession, or geopolitical crises. Instead, a less ambitious growth  rate of 1.2% would cause the debt-to-GDP ratio climb to 115-120%. In relative  terms, this is comparable to the Greek burden at the eve of its sovereign  crisis in 2009. The tiny Greek crisis shook Europe; the huge US debt crisis  would rock the world.
Toward military friction
  After  his Nobel Peace Prize in 2009, President Obama was widely expected to scale  back America’s commitments overseas, particularly George W. Bush’s long wars in  Afghanistan and Iraq, and shift responsibilities to allies. Instead, the Obama White House has authorized deployments in Syria, is  rethinking troop drawdown in Afghanistan, considering sending more troops to  Iraq and Syria, expanding the fight with ISIS to North, West and East Africa  (e.g., Nigeria, Libya, Somalia), and spending more for sending heavy weaponry  to Eastern and Central Europe to counter Russia. The US military is now  actively engaged in more countries than when Obama took office. 
  In the  Clinton era, US military policy would be more costly, assertive, and global.  She is unlikely to cut military spending even though the US already spends $600  billion on defense – more than the next seven countries combined, according to  SIPRI. 
  While the  US pivot to Asia began in Obama’s first term, it was first framed by Clinton,  as foreign secretary. In that role, she promoted the Trans-Pacific Partnership  (TPP); but to beat Sanders, she turned against it. As president, she might  flip-flop again and support it. She also supported the shift of 60 percent of  US military ships to Asia Pacific; a decision that has toughened attitudes in  China and contributed to increasing rearmament and conflict escalation in the  region. 
  That’s why  neoconservative leaders, led by Robert Kagan, have rushed behind Clinton´s  campaign. That’s also why 50 former GOP national security leaders recently  slammed Trump who would like to renegotiate US pacts with its allies.  They wanted to ensure the continuity of US  “military-industrial complex” and the expansive foreign policy – but Clinton  will reap the political benefits. 
  Even after  the global crisis and China’s growth deceleration, Asia may have generated  wealth amounting to twice the size of Germany into the world economic map. In  the 21st century, the world’s economic future relies on peace in the  region.
  If the massive  US military transfer is really meant for stabilization, it would contribute to  peace. If not, it will split the region, slow China's rise and the catch-up of  emerging Asia. That, in turn, could undermine the promise of the Asian Century.
Dr. Dan Steinbock is an internationally recognised expert of the nascent multipolar world. He is the CEO of Difference Group and has served as Research Director at the India, China and America Institute (USA) and visiting fellow at the Shanghai Institutes for International Studies (China) and the EU Centre (Singapore). For more, see www.differencegroup.net
© 2016 Copyright Dan Steinbock - All Rights Reserved
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