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The Forging of a New World Order Under a One World Government

Politics / New World Order Aug 14, 2009 - 07:05 AM GMT

By: Global_Research

Politics

Aricle continued from here

The Global Economic Crisis in Context

The current global economic crisis has its roots not in the Bush administration, which is linear and diluted thinking at best, but in the systematic nature of the global capitalist system. Crisis is not separate from capital; crisis is capitalist expansion. In addressing the foundations of the economic crisis, neo-Marxist theory can help explain much of the actions and functions that led to the crisis.


In 2006, Walden Bello wrote an article for Third World Quarterly, in which he explained that, “The crisis of globalisation and over-accumulation is one of the three central crises that are currently eroding US hegemony. The other two are the over-extension of US military power and the crisis of legitimacy of liberal democracy.” He explained that, “Monetary manipulation, via the high interest rate regime initiated by Federal Reserve Chief Paul Volcker in the late 1980s, while directed at fighting inflation, was also geared strategically at channeling global savings to the USA to fuel economic expansion. One key consequence of this momentous move was the Third World debt crisis of the early 1980s, which ended the boom of the economies of the South and led to their resubordination to the Northern capitalist centres.”[74]

The economic foundations of the current crisis were laid in the “Clinton globalist project.” As Bello explained, “The administration embraced globalisation as its ‘Grand Strategy’—that is, its fundamental foreign policy posture towards the world.” Further, “The dominant position of the USA allowed the liberal faction of the US capitalist class to act as a leading edge of a transnational ruling elite in the process of formation—a transnational elite alliance that could act to promote the comprehensive interest of the international capitalist class.”[75]

Bello then explained that, “the dominant dynamic of global capitalism during the Clinton period—one that was the source of its strength as well as its Achilles’ Heel—was not the movement of productive capital but the gyrations of finance capital.” The dominance of finance capital was “a result of the declining profitability of industry brought about by the crisis of overproduction. By 1997 profits in US industry had stopped growing. Financial speculation, or what one might conceptualise as the squeezing of value from already created value, became the most dynamic source of profitability.” This was termed “financialization,” and it had many components that composed its structure and led way for its dominance. Among these were the “Elimination of restrictions dating back to the 1930s that had created a Chinese Wall between investment banking and commercial banking in the USA opened up a new era of rapid consolidation in the US financial sector.”[76]

Specifically, this is in reference to the repealing of the Glass-Steagall Act, put in place in 1933 in response to the actions that created the Great Depression, which undertook banking reforms, specifically those designed to limit speculation. In 1987, the Federal Reserve Board voted to ease regulations under Glass-Steagall, after hearing “proposals from Citicorp, J.P. Morgan and Bankers Trust advocating the loosening of Glass-Steagall restrictions to allow banks to handle several underwriting businesses, including commercial paper, municipal revenue bonds, and mortgage-backed securities.” And, “In August 1987, Alan Greenspan -- formerly a director of J.P. Morgan and a proponent of banking deregulation – [became] chairman of the Federal Reserve Board.” In 1989, “the Fed Board approve[d] an application by J.P. Morgan, Chase Manhattan, Bankers Trust, and Citicorp to expand the Glass-Steagall loophole to include dealing in debt and equity securities in addition to municipal securities and commercial paper.” In 1990, “J.P. Morgan [became] the first bank to receive permission from the Federal Reserve to underwrite securities.”

In 1998, the House of Representatives passed “legislation by a vote of 214 to 213 that allow[ed] for the merging of banks, securities firms, and insurance companies into huge financial conglomerates.” And in 1999, “After 12 attempts in 25 years, Congress finally repeal[ed] Glass-Steagall, rewarding financial companies for more than 20 years and $300 million worth of lobbying efforts.”[77]

It was in “the late 1990s, with the stock market surging to unimaginable heights, large banks merging with and swallowing up smaller banks, and a huge increase in banks having transnational branches, Wall Street and its many friends in congress wanted to eliminate the regulations that had been intended to protect investors and stabilize the financial system. Hence the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act of 1999 repealed key parts of Glass-Steagall and the Bank Holding Act and allowed commercial and investment banks to merge, to offer home mortgage loans, sell securities and stocks, and offer insurance.”[78]

One of the architects of the repeal of Glass-Steagall was Clinton Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin. Rubin spent 26 years with Goldman Sachs before entering the Treasury. Robert Rubin worked closely with Alan Greenspan to oppose the regulation of derivatives, and was backed up by his Deputy Treasury Secretary, Lawrence Summers. Rubin, upon leaving the Treasury, went to work as an executive with Citigroup.[79] Robert Rubin is currently the Co-Chairman of the Council on Foreign Relations. Lawrence Summers was a former Chief Economist for the World Bank before being Deputy Treasury Secretary in the Clinton administration. He then became President of Harvard University, and is now Director of the White House National Economic Council in the Obama administration. The current Treasury Secretary, Timothy Geithner, was former President of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, and is also a Robert Rubin protégé. 

The Clinton years saw the rise of derivatives, which are financial instruments (or contracts), the prices of which are derived from one or more underlying assets, indexes, or other items. The value of a derivative changes as the value of the underlying asset changes. They are used to hedge risks but also as instruments of speculation. Derivatives, “which monetised and traded risk in the exchange of a whole range of commodities,” are a key factor that led to the economic crisis.

Another cause of the crisis was “The creation of massive consumer credit to fuel consumption, with much of the source of this capital coming from foreign investors,” which “created a dangerous gap between the consumers’ debt and their income, opening up the possibility of consumer collapse or default that would carry away both consumers and their creditors.” Further, the stock market’s role in driving growth played a part in paving the way for a financial crisis. “Stock market activity drove, in particular, the so-called technology sector, creating a condition of ‘virtual capitalism’ whose dynamics were based on the expectation of future profitability rather than on current performance, which was the iron rule in the ‘real economy’.”[80]

The Federal Reserve, under Alan Greenspan, initially created the dot-com bubble, providing liquidity for speculation into the stock market and “virtual capitalism,”[81] and when that dot-com bubble burst, as all bubbles do, Greenspan and the Fed created the housing bubble by cutting interests rates and offering more Adjustable Rate Mortgages (AMRs), with Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac encouraging banks to make the high-risk loans.[82]

Speculation had proven itself to be a powerful weapon of finance capital. In the 1990s, this was first exemplified by “a speculative attack on the peso that had investors in panic cashing their pesos for dollars, leading to the devaluation and collapse of the Mexican economy in 1994,” and later in “East Asia in 1997. One hundred billion dollars in speculative capital flooded into the region between 1994 and 1997 as countries liberalised their capital accounts.” This speculative money flowed into real estate and the stock market, which resulted in over-investment, and “Smelling crisis in the air, hedge funds and other speculators targeted the Thai baht, Korean won and other currencies, triggering a massive financial panic that led to the drastic devaluation of these currencies and laid low Asia’s tiger economies. In a few short weeks in the summer of 1997 some $100 billion rushed out of the Asian economies, leading to a drastic reversal of the sizzling growth that had marked those economies in the preceding decade. In less than a month, some 21 million Indonesians and one million Thais found themselves thrust under the poverty line.”[83] This was known as the East Asian Financial Crisis.

This crisis “helped precipitate the Russian financial crisis in 1998, as well as financial troubles in Brazil and Argentina that contributed to the spectacular unraveling of Argentina’s economy in 2001 and 2002, when the economy that had distinguished itself as the most faithful follower of the IMF’s prescriptions of trade and financial liberalisation found itself forced to declare a default on $100 billion of its $140 billion external debt.”[84]

The current crisis is not over. The parallels between the current crisis and the Great Depression are frightening. This trend of building speculative bubbles is reminiscent of the 1920s stock market speculation-driven bubble; built by the Federal Reserve, which eased interest rates, provided liquidity to the banks and actively encouraged speculation. Bubbles that were created then burst.

In 1932, Congressman Louis T. McFadden stated before the Congress that the Federal Reserve banks are not government agencies, but “are private credit monopolies which prey upon the people of the United States for the benefit of themselves and their foreign customers; foreign and domestic speculators and swindlers; and rich and predatory money lenders.”[85] Following the creation of the Fed in 1913, Congressman Charles A. Lindbergh said, “From now on, depressions will be scientifically created.” Indeed, he was right. The current crisis, likely leading to a Great Depression, is being used as the primary means through which a global government is being constructed.

In 2007, UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown called for a new world order in reforming the UN, World Bank, IMF and G7.[86] When the bank Bear Stearns collapsed, due to its heavy participation in the mortgage securities market, the Federal Reserve purchased the bank for JP Morgan Chase, whose CEO sits on the board of the New York Federal Reserve Bank. Shortly after this action, a major financial firm released a report saying that banks face a “new world order” of “consolidation and acquisitions.”[87]

In October of 2008, Gordon Brown said that we “must have a new Bretton Woods - building a new international financial architecture for the years ahead.” He continued in saying that, “we must now reform the international financial system around the agreed principles of transparency, integrity, responsibility, good housekeeping and co-operation across borders.” An article in the Telegraph reported that Gordon Brown would want “to see the IMF reformed to become a ‘global central bank’ closely monitoring the international economy and financial system.”[88] In an op-ed for the Washington Post, Gordon Brown wrote that the “new Bretton Woods” should build upon the concept of  “global governance.”[89] There were also calls for a “global economic policeman,” perhaps in the form of the Bank for International Settlements (BIS).[90] In November of 2008, it was reported that Baron David de Rothschild “shares most people’s view that there is a new world order. In his opinion, banks will deleverage and there will be a new form of global governance.”[91]

Out of the ashes of the financial crisis, a new world order will emerge in constructing a global government.

Notes

[1]    Membership, Peter Sutherland. The Trilateral Commission: October 2007: http://www.trilateral.org/membship/bios/ps.htm

[2]    Daily Mail, EU Constitution - the main points. The Daily Mail: June 19, 2004: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-307249/EU-Constitution--main-points.html

[3]    Time, 10 Questions For Vaclav Klaus. Time Magazine: March 13, 2005: http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1037613,00.html

[4]    Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, Valéry Giscard d'Estaing: The EU Treaty is the same as the Constitution. The Independent: October 30, 2007: http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/valeacutery-giscard-destaing-the-eu-treaty-is-the-same-as-the-constitution-398286.html

[5]    Bruno Waterfield, Lisbon Treaty resurrects the defeated EU Constitution. The Telegraph: June 13, 2008: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/newstopics/eureferendum/2123045/EU-Treaty-Lisbon-Treaty-resurrected-defeated-EU-Constitution.html

[6]    Mel Hurtig, The Vanishing Country: Is It Too Late to Save Canada? (McClelland & Stewart Ltd., 2002), page 365

[7]    CFR, Brian Mulroney. About US, Leadership and Staff: International Advisory Board: http://www.cfr.org/bios/9841/brian_mulroney.html

[8]    Robert O’Brien and Marc Williams, Global Political Economy: Evolution and Dynamics, 2nd ed. (Palgrave Macmillan: 2007), page 226

[9]    David Rockefeller, What Private Enterprise Means to Latin America. Foreign Affairs: Vol. 44, No. 3 (April, 1966): page 411

[10]  David Rockefeller, Memoirs. New York: Random House: 2002: Pages 436-437

[11]  David Rockefeller, A hemisphere in the balance. The Wall Street Journal: October 1, 1993

[12]  Alexander Dawson, First World Dreams: Mexico Since 1989. Fernwood Books, 2006: Pages 8-9

[13]  Alexander Dawson, First World Dreams: Mexico Since 1989. Fernwood Books, 2006: Page 29

[14]  Alexander Dawson, First World Dreams: Mexico Since 1989. Fernwood Books, 2006: Page 120

[15]  Joseph Stiglitz, Globalization and its Discontents. W.W. Norton & Co.: 2003: page 121

[16]  Robert Pastor, A North American Community: A Modest Proposal to the Trilateral Commission. The Trilateral Commission: Toronto, Ontario: November 1-2, 2002: www.american.edu/internationalaffairs/cnas/PastorTrilateral.pdf : page 4

[17]  Robert Pastor, A North American Community: A Modest Proposal to the Trilateral Commission. The Trilateral Commission: Toronto, Ontario: November 1-2, 2002: www.american.edu/internationalaffairs/cnas/PastorTrilateral.pdf : page 6

[18]  News and Information, Paul Martin Urged to Take the Lead in Forging a New Vision for North American Cooperation. CCCE: November 5, 2003: http://www.ceocouncil.ca/en/view/?document_id=38&type_id=1

[19]  CCCE, North American Security and Prosperity. http://www.ceocouncil.ca/en/north/north.php

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Thomas Courchene and Richard Harris, From Fixing to Monetary Union: Options for  North American Currency Integration. C.D. Howe Institute, June 1999:

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[39]  Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, The G20 moves the world a step closer to a global currency. The Telegraph: April 3, 2009: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/comment/ambroseevans_pritchard/5096524/The-G20-moves-the-world-a-step-closer-to-a-global-currency.html

[40]  Get ready for the phoenix. The Economist: Vol. 306: January 9, 1988: pages 9-10

[41]  ECB, The euro and the dollar - new imperatives for policy co-ordination. Speeches and Interviews: September 18, 2000: http://www.ecb.int/press/key/date/2000/html/sp000918.en.html

[42]  Jeffrey E. Garten, Needed: A Fed for the World. The New York Times: September 23, 1998: http://www.nytimes.com/1998/09/23/opinion/needed-a-fed-for-the-world.html

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[45]  Andrew Gavin Marshall, North-American Monetary Integration: Here Comes the Amero. Global Research: January 20, 2008: http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=7854

[46]  Commission Européenne, EU and US to sign up to transatlantic economic integration plan at Washington Summit on 30 April. UN: April 27, 2007: http://www.eu-un.europa.eu/articles/fr/article_6987_fr.htm

[47]  Andrew Coyne, The crossroads of international trade. Macleans: September 18, 2008: http://www2.macleans.ca/tag/council-of-canadians/

[48]  Benn Steil, The End of National Currency. Foreign Affairs: Vol. 86, Issue 3, May/June 2007: pages 83-96

[49]  BBC, South America nations found union. BBC News: May 23, 2008: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/7417896.stm

[50]  CNews, South American nations to seek common currency. China View: May 26, 2008: http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2008-05/27/content_8260847.htm

[51]  AME Info, GCC: Full steam ahead to monetary union. September 19, 2005: http://www.ameinfo.com/67925.html

John Irish, GCC Agrees on Monetary Union but Signals Delay in Common Currency. Reuters: June 10, 2008: http://www.arabnews.com/?page=6&section=0&article=110727&d=10&m=6&y=2008

Forbes, TIMELINE-Gulf single currency deadline delayed beyond 2010. Forbes: March 23, 2009: http://www.forbes.com/feeds/afx/2009/03/24/afx6204462.html

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[52]  Barry Eichengreen, International Monetary Arrangements: Is There a Monetary Union in Asia's Future? The Brookings Institution: Spring 1997: http://www.brookings.edu/articles/1997/spring_globaleconomics_eichengreen.aspx

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[53]  Lin Li, ASEAN discusses financial, monetary integration. China View: April 2, 2008: http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2008-04/02/content_7906391.htm

[54]  Paul De Grauwe, Economics of Monetary Union. Oxford University Press, 2007: pages 109-110

Heather Milkiewicz and Paul R. Masson, Africa's Economic Morass—Will a Common Currency Help? The Brookings Institution: July 2003: http://www.brookings.edu/papers/2003/07africa_masson.aspx

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[55]  Edmund Conway, UK policy blamed for soaring debt levels. The Telegraph: February 20, 2006: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/2932605/UK-policy-blamed-for-soaring-debt-levels.html

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Andrew G. Marshall is a Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG). He is currently studying  Political Economy and History at Simon Fraser University. 

Andrew G. Marshall is a frequent contributor to Global Research. Global Research Articles by Andrew G. Marshall

© Copyright Andrew G. Marshall , Global Research, 2009

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of the Centre for Research on Globalization. The contents of this article are of sole responsibility of the author(s). The Centre for Research on Globalization will not be responsible or liable for any inaccurate or incorrect statements contained in this article.


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