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France Wakes Up To The Multicultural Multi-Threat

Politics / France Apr 15, 2014 - 05:32 PM GMT

By: Andrew_McKillop


Manuel Valls the Immigrant

With total predictability, new French prime minister Manuel Valls almost immediately waded into the ever-rising rejection of multiculturalism in France. He made sure to play the Good Immigrant himself, peppering his talk with references to his Spanish origins as a second-generation immigrant to France, working his way up the “social elevator” or greasy pole, by learning all the tics and foibles of French national identity, and copying them perfectly. But the day he moved into office, March 31, the government watchdog on human rights in France, the Commission nationale des Droits de l'Homme, produced another in a long series of reports, from organizations across the political spectrum, that underlines how racism, segregation, economic inequality and religious discrimination are now squarely part of French society. For Valls and the political elite, to be sure, this is just a “decline of tolerance” and more laws and repression, and more government propaganda will smother the glowing embers of riot and rebellion. But as in other European states, his predictable elite kneejerk is not working.

The elite buzzword of “multiculturalism” enrages Marine Le Pen and her National Front party. It is one more deadly attack on French society by what she calls the two-faced, two-only mainstream “natural parties of government”, the Parti Socialiste and Union for a Presidential Majority - the PS and UMP - that she bundles together and derides as the UM-PS. One and the same. They allowed and enabled the multicultural onslaught in France, they deliberately closed their eyes to what it meant for ordinary French. Le Pen storms on, in her speeches and party web site, to accuse the UM-PS of calculated inaction, inability and unwillingness to face the net results of multiculturalism – and so doing, they disqualify themselves from making any kind of comments, proposals or laws to deal with it. Her National Front party is now the third-largest political party in France, forcing the government-friendly media to drop their pretence that the NF is only a “minority racist party”.

The government's own Human Rights commission published its national poll on the attitude of French citizens towards immigrants from non-European countries. The poll found that 68% of respondents say that social integration of immigrants is a failure and is due to the immigrants themselves, and 74% said there are "too many" immigrants in France. The attitude of majority French towards benefit tourism and job-grabbing by immigrants was also very clear, 77% said they believe immigrants are in France solely for welfare benefits or to get a job, in a country with a massive deficit on its social security system, an official tally of unemployeds nearing 4 million, and 25% youth unemployment.

The Mainstream View

From the Elysees Palace or Vall's official prime ministerial office at Hotel Matignon, outright rejection of large-scale immigration, rejection of Islam, increasing anti-semitism, and the refusal of majority French to play “multicultural” is airily sidelined as a problem of “governance”. Whether UMP or PS, the elite solutions are let's-pretend action plans and naked propaganda using State-controlled media to peddle the themes of “solidarity and brotherhood”, but this washes very thin with the public.

The elite theme of the country facing “an existential problem” receives scorn and derision from National Front party voters due to this story line being peddled for decades too long. France's religious leaders are heavily aware of it, and repeatedly state that France has entered a new and dangerous phase where majority French perceive any non-European immigrant, especially recent immigrants, as flouting French laws and customs with impunity — resulting in majority French hostility to immigrants deepening into outright and open intolerance, segregation, and political polarization – shown by voters for the National Front no longer being ashamed of voting for the party, no longer hiding it, and French media being forced to give airtime to France's third-largest political party.
For the National Front the situation is a crisis dating from the 1970s, never remedied by any mainstream party. Opening the floodgates of immigration from France's former colonies in North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa, then opening them wider to Asian immigrants, must be treated as a “massive historical error” and must be rolled back. Le Pen's party sets 1974 as its cut-off date for any immigrants to France being automatically entitled to acquire nationality and transfer it to their children. Immigrants to France who arrived after 1974 would, the National Front demands, no longer have automatic citizenship. Deportation would become entirely possible.

De facto segregation – despite its being illegal de judere – starts in French schools and the playground. French educationists and schoolteachers' unions are unable to roll back the tide of segregation, starting in the playground, and have been forced to accept race-sorted and race-segregated schools and colleges, where physical attacks on white teachers are a weekly event. Workplace segregation, to be sure, is de judere illegal and UMP-PS legislation against job discrimination is increasingly repressive, but the figures speak for themselves. In the gray concrete ghettos surrounding all large French cities, where Muslim, Black, Asian and other migrant-origin families are in massive majority, multi-generational unemployment is endemic and youth unemployment is usually above 50%. Gimmick remedy attempts from the UMP and PS have included “anonymous CV submission” through State job centres, where the ghetto address and the non-French name of the job applicant are withheld – but this gimmick has been almost totally abandoned, due to employers rapidly learning who the “anonymous CVs” concern.

The mainstream parties have no problems knowing the effects of de facto job discrimination against immigrants. All of France's urban ghettos have “a drug problem” due to drug dealing and football being the only two “economically feasible”, and in the football case socially-approved, ways for immigrant youth to escape from the ghetto. Rap music business could or might be added, but majority French hostility to rap music – because of its ghetto handle – has become powerful.

The multi-syllabic, pompous and elitist wadding applied by the mainstream parties to hide reality has worn so thin that saying outright that France is knee-deep in racial and religious tension is now commonplace. Whether it is schools, the workplace, buses, trains and the metro, or on the streets the fact of French hostility to immigrants, their culture, and their society is real.

Action and Reaction
France's Arabists and experts on Islam have warned government that it is useless to deplore and fear the rise of “radical Islam”, Wahabism, Salafism and the cult of Islamic revenge against the West in a context of naked and outright racism and segregation. Manuel Valls, while he was Interior minister carefully avoided giving detailed figures on the numbers of young French “of Muslim origin or conversion” who have, to date, been killed or are missing in Syria. The numbers game on this subject is of course “politically sensitive”, but several hundred young French have either been to Syria to fight, are still there, or died fighting in Syria.
Valls previously dealt directly with the issue as Interior minister, facing the so-called “troubling and surprising” linkage, in France's swollen ghettos – surrounding every large city – of radical Islam, drug dealing, car theft, prostitution, Internet fraud and protection racketeering. For the young French involved, however, numerous and detailed documentaries from providers such as Arte Television present the real processes which create the “new insurgents”. Valls was chosen by Francois Hollande to be Interior minister because Valls had preened his image, in the media, as willing and able to engage on the volatile issues of security, immigration and Islam. In fact, Valls merely launched a “zero-tolerance” police repression campaign for street crime, to “reassure the white majority” before launching an equally born-to-fail national affirmative action program for Muslim and Black integration. Neither have worked.

Once again showing the UM-PS elite approach, Nicolas Sarkozy promised “affirmative action” during his 2007 election campaign. Once in office with a large number of votes from Muslim French voters, he immediately dropped the programme. During Hollande's 2012 election campaign, the estimated number of Muslim French voters supporting Hollande was about 85%.

Affirmative action – which itself is racism – reinforces majority French opposition to immigrants, and to the mainstream parties which peddle it. Valls has predictably carried out the “only trick in town”, to please the elites but certainly not the voting public. His attempt at marshaling French patriotism to support his multiculturalist policies, during his inauguration speech as prime minister, notably included his pretence that what “Anglosaxons” call French arrogance is due to France's open door to the world, and the jealousy of other nations towards France!   He said :”The famous 'French arrogance' that our neighbors often attribute to us is in fact the enormous generosity of a country that wants to surpass itself."  At least France has the model of 1789 for street riot and the overthrow of a hated and corrupt government, but if that is too far back in time, Valls can try Kiev 2014.

By Andrew McKillop


Former chief policy analyst, Division A Policy, DG XVII Energy, European Commission. Andrew McKillop Biographic Highlights

Co-author 'The Doomsday Machine', Palgrave Macmillan USA, 2012

Andrew McKillop has more than 30 years experience in the energy, economic and finance domains. Trained at London UK’s University College, he has had specially long experience of energy policy, project administration and the development and financing of alternate energy. This included his role of in-house Expert on Policy and Programming at the DG XVII-Energy of the European Commission, Director of Information of the OAPEC technology transfer subsidiary, AREC and researcher for UN agencies including the ILO.

© 2014 Copyright Andrew McKillop - All Rights Reserved Disclaimer: The above is a matter of opinion provided for general information purposes only and is not intended as investment advice. Information and analysis above are derived from sources and utilising methods believed to be reliable, but we cannot accept responsibility for any losses you may incur as a result of this analysis. Individuals should consult with their personal financial advisor.

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